New Delhi: In the wake of the Supreme Court’s recent ruling allowing sub-categorization of Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs), a detailed analysis of the current composition of Dalit Members of Parliament (MPs) in the Lok Sabha reveals a significant trend; dominant SC sub-groups are disproportionately represented in the Lower House of Parliament. This trend underscores the political and economic influence wielded by certain Dalit communities, which has enabled them to secure a larger share of reserved seats compared to other, less affluent Dalit groups.
Among the 84 SC-reserved seats in the Lok Sabha, Uttar Pradesh leads with 17 Dalit MPs, followed by West Bengal (10), Tamil Nadu (7), and Bihar (6). These states have the highest number of SC-reserved seats and therefore a greater representation of Dalit MPs. States like Karnataka and Maharashtra each have five SC MPs, while Andhra Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Punjab, and Rajasthan each contribute four Dalit MPs to the Lower House.
An analysis conducted by The Indian Express reveals that the selection of candidates by the political parties is heavily influenced by the relative social and economic advancement of specific SC sub-groups, as well as the strength of their population in respective regions. This contrasts with the allocation of reservations in government jobs and higher education, where upward mobility and historical disadvantage play more significant roles.
In Uttar Pradesh, Jatavs and Pasis are the most dominant SC sub-groups, reflected in their representation among Dalit MPs. Of the 17 SC-reserved seats, seven were won by Pasi candidates and five by Jatavs. Jatavs, who make up 56% of the Dalit population in Uttar Pradesh, are traditionally associated with the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP). However, in the most recent election, Jatavs showed a split in their voting patterns, with many supporting the SP-Congress alliance, while some remained loyal to the BSP, which secured a 9% vote share. Notably, the Nagina constituency saw a win for the Azad Samaj Party led by Chandrashekhar Azad, a Jatav himself.
Other Dalit MPs from Uttar Pradesh hail from the Dhangar, Kharwar, Gond, and Valmiki communities—sub-groups that typically have less access to education and government jobs compared to the Jatavs.
In West Bengal, the Trinamool Congress (TMC) secured six out of ten SC-reserved seats, while the BJP won the remaining four. The Namasudra community, one of the most influential Dalit groups in the state, accounts for four of these MPs. The Rajbanshi and Poundra communities also secured representation, particularly in constituencies where they hold significant electoral power. Comparatively less affluent Dalit sub-groups like the Sunri, Mal, and Bagdi communities also gained representation, though they remain in the minority.
In Bihar, the relatively affluent Dusadh and Rabidas communities each secured two out of six SC-reserved seats, reflecting their higher socio-economic status within the state’s Dalit hierarchy. The remaining two seats were won by representatives from the Musahar and Pasi communities. The Musahars, in particular, are one of the most deprived SC sub-groups in Bihar, contrasting sharply with the more privileged Dusadhs.
The trend of dominant SC groups securing a majority of reserved seats extends to the southern states as well. In Tamil Nadu, five out of seven SC-reserved seats are held by Paraiyar MPs, while the remaining two seats were won by Pallars. In Andhra Pradesh and Telangana, the Malas, who are more politically and economically powerful than the Madigas, secured a significant majority of SC-reserved seats. In Karnataka, the BJP fielded candidates from the Madiga community, but the Congress’s winning candidates were from the Holeya community, which is seen as more dominant. Kerala’s Pulaya community, similarly, has a strong representation among the state’s SC MPs.
Notably, several of these dominant Dalit communities have voiced opposition to the sub-categorization of SCs. This includes the Malas in Andhra Pradesh and Telangana, the Holeyas in Karnataka, and the Paraiyars and Pulayas in Tamil Nadu and Kerala. Mayawati, leader of the BSP and a prominent figure within the Jatav community, has also criticized the proposed sub-classification as “unfair.”
Across other states, the pattern of dominant SC groups securing the lion’s share of representation persists. In Maharashtra, the affluent Mahar community holds two out of the five SC-reserved seats. Punjab’s Ravidasia community controls three out of four Dalit seats, with the remaining seat going to a Ramdasia Sikh. In Rajasthan, three Jatavs and a Meghwal, both dominant SC communities, have been elected, along with one MP from the less influential Dhanuk community.
Madhya Pradesh offers a slight deviation from this trend, where two out of four SC-reserved seats were won by candidates from the less dominant Khatik community, while the other two seats were secured by members of the Jatav and Balai communities.
In states like Assam, Chhattisgarh, Himachal Pradesh, Jharkhand, Delhi, and Uttarakhand, where there is only one SC-reserved seat, the Dalit MPs elected come from communities considered dominant within their respective regions. These include representatives from the Dhupi, Chamar, Rehgarh, and Shilpkar communities, each of which holds significant influence among the Scheduled Castes in these states.
The analysis underscores a clear pattern; Dalit communities with greater political and economic clout continue to dominate SC representation in the Lok Sabha, often at the expense of less influential sub-groups. As the Supreme Court’s decision on sub-categorization begins to take effect, it remains to be seen how this might shift the balance of power within Dalit representation, potentially offering more opportunities for historically marginalized SC communities.
Mahi Saha
Mahi Saha, from Ranchi, reports for Neo Politico.
